By Fabienne Rorke, intern at RSC
The devastating war in Sudan has been raging on since April 2023 resulting in many civilian casualties, yet women and girls remain disproportionately affected. Women in Sudan suffer not only from rampant violence, sexual assault, and exploitation but also from a severe lack of access to healthcare, clean water, and basic hygiene (United Nations, 2024). With global inaction towards the ongoing violence, a social media campaign titled “Black October” was initiated by “Voices of Darfur” – a social media platform dedicated to empowering and amplifying the voices of civilians in Darfur. The campaign raises awareness about the ongoing suffering endured by civilians in Sudan, especially women but as one activist highlights, “[it] is not just about awareness or attention, it’s also about action” (Voices of Darfur, 2024).
Black October is more than a symbolic gesture. It reflects the deep disparity between Western feminism and the needs of women in conflict. It was created as a response to Pink October, which raises awareness of breast cancer in women but often does not reach those in conflict-ridden or low-income settings, where healthcare and cancer treatment facilities are largely inaccessible. By centering the voices of women affected by the war in Sudan, Black October brings much-needed attention to the feminist divide and to women in conflict who lack the security, healthcare, and necessities to live in peace.
By shedding light on the adversities faced by women in conflict, this article calls for heightened attention and action to stop the ongoing war in Sudan and for the protection of women and girls who have been and remain adversely affected by conflict.
The Situation in Sudan: Women and Girls
Fuelled by ongoing tensions between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), Sudan has witnessed the largest internal displacement in the world (UN Women, 2024). UN reports reveal that out of the nearly 5.8 million displaced, over half are women and girls, who face appalling levels of sexual violence and assault. Yet they not only suffer due to gender-based violence but also struggle to access daily essentials such as water, healthcare, food and hygiene products. At least 80 per cent of internally displaced women in Sudan struggle to access safe drinking water, whilst 84% are unable to meet the minimum acceptable diet (UN Women, 2024).
One young woman from Omdurman Salha, Lubna Ahmed Hussein, says that “the war has added years to my age; before the war I was 22 and now I feel like I carry the experience of a retired person” (Women’s Refugee Commission, 2024). Despite the horrors, along with others from her community, she created a space for women to come together and support each other, saying that “I am happy that within this current crisis we managed to create beautiful things”. But as Lubna reflects, “we just need the war to stop to impact more lives.”
Recent reports reflect the scale of suffering women have endured in Sudan, with several women reportedly having taken their own lives after being raped by paramilitary fighters and others contemplating suicide in fear of the same happening to them (BBC, 2024). Sexual assault as a weapon of war is unfortunately not a new phenomenon. In 2004, Amnesty International collected the names of 250 women who were raped in Darfur, noting the true extent of the crime could be much higher (Amnesty International, 2011). With no end to the war in sight, more global attention and action is crucial to prevent further war crimes, mass displacement and loss of lives in Sudan, with specific protection for women and girls.
Women in Conflict: Sudan, Palestine, and the Congo
The abuses faced by Sudanese women are tragically echoed in other regions where conflict prevails. In Eastern DRC, for instance, the World Food Programme (WFP) describes the area as “one of the most dangerous places in the world for women and girls” with many resorting to forced prostitution to survive (WFP, 2024). Similar to Sudan, armed men have perpetrated the majority of sexual assault cases, and out of the 10,000 people that accessed gender-based violence (GBV) services, 66 percent were rape cases (UNHCR, 2023). The suffering of women in the DRC, however, does not stop there. With Congo’s flourishing mineral wealth, many Congolese citizens are subject to modern-day slavery, which includes “young mothers with babies strapped to their backs, all breathing in this toxic cobalt dust” (Kelemen, 2023).
In Palestine, too, women and girls bear a heavy toll under occupation. One report by Sada (2024), an online journal rooted in Carnegie Endowment's Middle East program, recounts the story of Reham, a 24-year-old from Gaza who lost a pregnancy due to the stress of constant bombardments. After being displaced from her home and taking refuge in a camp, she said “Even when I have my period, I can’t shower often or take care of my hygiene the way I used to. I can only shower in a tent that lacks four walls and a decent bath, and I feel my privacy is violated.” With hospitals particularly targeted by Israeli occupation forces and medical supplies prevented from entering the Gaza strip, many pregnant and birthing women are facing extreme forms of violent repression. Even after giving birth, their children remain severely affected with 1 in 3 children under 2 years of age suffering from acute malnutrition in the Northern Gaza Strip and 70% of deaths in Gaza reported to be women and children (UNICEF 2024; Al-Jazeera, 2024).
Like with the case of both Congo and Sudan, sexual assault has been used as a weapon against Palestinian women for decades, especially within Israeli prisons and detention centers. Aisha Odeh – a Palestinian feminist writer who was incarcerated during the second intifada – for example, writes about the abuse she sustained at the hands of Israeli occupation forces in her book “Dreams of Freedom”. The UN further substantiates similar claims of sexual violence against Palestinian women and girls in Israeli detention centers today (OHCHR 2024).
The Disparities of Feminisms: From Pink to Black October
The stark contrast between Pink and Black October reflects the deep divide in feminist concerns worldwide. While breast cancer affects women everywhere, low- and middle-income countries in Asia and Africa are witnessing a surge in cases due to urbanization amongst other factors (Martinez et al., 2024). Despite this, women in conflict zones remain underserved, with limited access to early detection or treatment. For example, a 37-year-old Gazan woman, Nisreen, who was diagnosed with stage-four breast cancer, found herself trapped when Israel’s war on Gaza suddenly erupted, closing the Rafah crossing and preventing her from reaching treatment in Egypt (New Arab, 2024).
In Sudan, breast cancer is the most common cancer among women with approximately 40% receiving late-stage diagnosis upon presentation (Elhaj et al., 2023). Yet as fighting continues, treatment facilities in Khartoum have ceased operations completely and over 70 percent of Sudan’s healthcare facilities are now non-functional (International Rescue Committee, 2023). Despite the necessity of breast cancer awareness campaigns that show solidarity with women worldwide, Pink October largely ignores women in conflict-affected regions, leading to what many have dubbed “a silent genocide” taking place in Sudan.
For feminism to be truly universal, it must embrace the experiences and needs of women in all regions, including those in war-torn countries. Black October embodies a grassroots feminist movement, created by Sudanese women for Sudanese women, that calls not only for breast cancer awareness but for an end to the violence threatening their very survival. Without tackling the root causes of suffering for women in conflict areas, feminist campaigns risk becoming part and parcel of an imperialist feminist model that side-lines women in the most vulnerable positions. Through grassroots campaigns like Black October, self-determination ensures that women in conflict recount their own realities, calling on the international community to stand behind them.
Sudanese Refugees in Jordan: Healthcare, Discrimination and “Permanent Temporariness”
Sudanese women who manage to escape the horrors of war in Sudan continue to face immense challenges as refugees in transit or third countries. This is also the case in Jordan. While Jordan has been a generous host to refugees, its policies primarily support Syrian refugees, leaving Sudanese refugees, numbering around 4,900, in a position of “permanent temporariness” (UNHCR, 2024). With the Jordan Compact delivering refugee solutions predominantly for the Syrian refugee population, Sudanese and other refugee nationalities garner comparatively little attention from the national and international community. In 2019 the Jordanian government brought in further restrictions against migrants entering on tourist, medical and study or work visas, which is the normal route for Sudanese seeking refuge in Jordan (United Nations Human Rights Council, 2023). Migrants entering and staying in Jordan on such visas are classified as migrants who outstay their welcome, rather than refugees, severely limiting their access to international aid.
One reason behind this however, is the lack of international recognition towards the Sudanese people. With policies such as the Khartoum Process – as well as Frontex and the Libyan coastguard - resulting in the restriction of Sudanese refugees from leaving the continent, the international community are failing to open up legal pathways to seek refuge elsewhere. Human Rights Watch (2024) have substantiated such claims. An article by Foreign Policy (2024) further criticises foreign states saying that they wrongly focus on peace negotiations between the RSF and SAF “rather than holding each party accountable and redirecting support to civil society organizations and the resistance groups that better represent the Sudanese people”. Whilst the Global Compact on Refugees purported to address the root causes of conflict as well as expand access to third-country solutions, in practise, this is far from being achieved.
Within Jordan, the UNHCR says that “primary, secondary and some tertiary health care services are available to all registered refugees from all nationalities at the non-insured Jordanian rate at public health centres and Governmental hospitals”. This includes pregnancy and delivery services. However, considering the non-insured rate for a Caesarean section in Jordan in 2017 was reportedly 300JD – with no data showcasing any statistical changes – this is categorically unaffordable (UNHCR, 2017). Period poverty is also a problem affecting women in Jordan, especially refugee women and girls. A report published in 2024, noted that 42.0% reported struggling with menstrual product affordability on a monthly basis within Jordan’s camps, with a mean household income of 307.41JD. As a result, 71.5% of women said they reused feminine hygiene products (Muhaidat et al., 2024).
In a podcast created by Collateral Repair Project (CRP) Sahar, a Sudanese refugee in Jordan, gives an account of the difficulties she faces living in Jordan. She says that due to the minimal stipends received by the UNHCR – standing at 130JD per month - she was forced to work under the table in jobs where she was often sexually assaulted. Sahar even trained herself to sleep during the day and stay awake at night to protect her children, who due to their skin colour experienced discrimination and harassment on the streets. With Sahar hoping to seek resettlement elsewhere in the future, more needs to be done both within Jordan to combat discrimination and improve the livelihoods of non-Syrian refugees but also amongst the international community at large.
Though the responsibility of hosting refugee populations should not solely be placed on Jordan, there are many improvements that could be made to Jordan’s role as a refugee host country. The “One Refugee” approach has made significant progress in this area, opening up opportunities and resources for non-Syrian refugees, yet it’s implementation remains slow and requires attention (ASILE Project, 2024). By understanding how women fleeing conflict remain adversely affected even once they arrive in “safe” countries, greater effort can be made to minimise these adversities and support women and girls fleeing conflict areas. Jordan too shares in this responsibility.
Recommendations
Advocate for women and girls who are adversely affected by conflict.
Amplify local and grassroots projects that center women´s voices in conflict.
Raise awareness of racism against Sudanese refugees.
Provide more humanitarian support for Sudanese refugees in Jordan, including feminine hygiene products, increased monthly stipends, and promote access to employment opportunities.
Raise awareness of the war in Sudan and advocate for global action that centers on Sudanese self-determination.
Amplify the “One Refugee” approach to ensure that all refugees in Jordan are treated with dignity and have access to equal opportunities.
References:
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ASILE Project. Creating an Inclusive Refugee Response in Jordan. February 2024. https://www.asileproject.eu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/ASILE-POLICY-BRIEF-Jordan.pdf.
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